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Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).

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An additional transcriber's note is at the end of the book.




"We will not permit the blood in our veins to drown the
conscience in our breast. We will heed the call of honour
beyond the call of race."

Hodder and Stoughton
London New York Toronto


This is one of the best books that has appeared about the war. It
shows conclusively why the United States must put this war through to
a finish, and why every good American and every believer in liberty
and civilization must be heart and soul against Germany. The fact that
Mr. Kahn himself is of German origin emphasizes the contention which
every good American should make, namely, that the Americans who are in
whole or in part of German blood should eagerly take the front places
in this war for Americanism against the attempt of the Prussianized
Germany of the Hohenzollerns to establish a world tyranny.

Not only is the book an admirable plea for Americanism and for putting
the war through, but it is also a no less admirable plea for treating
our internal affairs on the basis of common sense and high idealism. I
should like to see the book circulated throughout the United States as
a tract on Sound Americanism. The last two chapters, on "Frenzied
Liberty" and "The Myth of a 'Rich Man's War,'" should be called to the
especial attention of the persons who, not daring to be openly
treasonable, try to serve Germany by advancing the cause of Bolshevism
in this country, and by downright and shameless perversion of the
truth as to the part played by the men of means in this war. The
chapter on "Frenzied Liberty" is an acute and fearless exposition of
the damage done to liberty by the men here who are trying to play the
part of the Russian Bolshevists, by upsetting order and civilization
in this country. One of the most remarkable, and also one of the most
sinister, of Germany's extraordinary successes has been the way she
has used the forces of disorder in other countries to paralyze the
cause of liberty. She herself is the embodiment of order imposed by an
iron militaristic autocracy from above on the people beneath. She is
the embodiment of that species of order which is the antithesis of
liberty. She personifies it now exactly as the Russian Czars did in
the middle of the last century, only with infinitely greater
efficiency. But her feeling even for order is conditioned by her
unyielding determination that the Germans shall lord over and shall
exploit the rest of the world.

In itself this feeling of intense nationalism is a fine thing, and we
would admire it if it had not been perverted into an assault on all
the rest of mankind, and especially on liberty-loving civilized
mankind. There is in Germany an immense sense of solidarity, which
makes the German Socialist, the German middle-class capitalist, and
the German junker work side by side with enthusiasm for the
subjugation and exploitation of all the Allied countries. The
Socialists have cynically announced that their job is to encourage
pacifism in other countries, and thereby to lessen the resistance of
these countries to German militarism. The Socialists have worked for
the conquest of other countries in the interest of German capitalism,
because they feel they will get some share in the profit, and because
they have been schooled, in common with the rest of their country, to
a brutal cynicism concerning the wrongs and sufferings of other
countries, so long as Germans profit by them. In consequence the
German Government, aided by the German Socialists, has encouraged in
every way the forces of disorder in every hostile country--the
Socialists in France, the "independent" Labour men in England, the
Bolshevists in Russia, the Sinn Feiners in Ireland, the Reds in
Finland, and the most fanatical murderers of Christians in Turkey. It
is for this reason that Germany tries to use the I.W.W. in the United
States, and plays on the foolish American politicians who have
believed that the Russian Bolshevists would be able to infect Germany
with their revolt, or who have believed that they by fine words could
arouse the spirit of German revolt and separate the German people from
the German Government--a thing which can only be done by the breakdown
of Germany's military strength.

Germany has no fears as to her own ability to suppress disorder. The
minute she conquers a Russian province she puts down disorder with an
iron hand. But in the Ukraine, in Great Russia and in Finland she
encourages the party of the Reds, she encourages the Bolshevists; and
the poor, ignorant, gullible peasants follow the lead of the men,
however criminal--sometimes rather more lunatic than criminal--who
would throw them under Germany's feet. The American Bolshevists would
tear America to pieces, exactly as Russia has been torn.

Mr. Kahn's words of warning against them have a special value, because
he is as far as the poles from those foolish Bourbons in our political
and industrial life who, by their persistence in a course of mere
stupid inertia and inaction, would invite the very revolutionary
movements they dread. Mr. Kahn has his face set toward the light. He
realizes the change that must come in industry and in farm life in all
countries. He is anxious to join in every effort, no matter how
radical--provided only it is a sane effort, offering reasonable chance
of success--for securing better conditions for the wage worker and the
farmer in this country. He realizes that failure to strive in a
serious and efficient manner for this end is to play into the hands of
the Bolshevists; and he also realizes that the Bolshevists are, in the
last resort, the very worst enemies of every effort to make social and
industrial conditions better for the wage worker and soil toiler,
because Bolshevism would invite the most violent reaction. As for the
"Myth of a Rich Man's War," Mr. Kahn shows conclusively that in no
other country has the wealthy class been forced to bear as great a
part of the burden in this war as here in the United States.

As a matter of fact, the whole talk of "profiteering" as an element in
bringing on or supporting the war is due either to folly or else to
deliberate pacifist and pro-German propaganda. There was an immense
amount of profiteering in this country during the two and a half years
of our ignoble neutrality between right and wrong. The pacifists and
pro-Germans played the game of the profiteers, and worked hand in hand
with them to keep this country at peace, and therefore to continue the
opportunity for profiteering. Ninety per cent. of the profiteering
stopped just as soon as we went to war. Most of the well-to-do men of
this country, of the men who are free from the menace of immediate
want and who have given their sons a good education, have been the
very men whose sons have freely and eagerly gone to the war. There is
an occasional wealthy man, the owner of a set of newspapers, or an
automobile factory, or something of the kind, who improperly succeeds
in getting his son excused from service, on the plea that he is needed
in the business. But usually it will be found that this man is himself
an upholder of pacifism, or of some of the movements of the very
people who have announced that they are against the war. In this
country the real upholders of the war are the men who themselves have
shown, or whose sons have shown, that they were willing to pay with
their bodies for the principles they advocated.

Mr. Kahn's rebuke to those noxious demagogues who try to aid Germany
and hurt America by prattling about this being "a rich man's war" is
rendered all the stronger because he insists on heavy progressive
taxation of incomes and profits for war purposes. This taxation should
go up to, but under no circumstances go in the slightest degree
beyond, the line at which it interferes with or limits production or
prevents the fullest development of our business resources during the
war. We need to speed up production to the very top limit. While this
war lasts we have a right to demand of every man, whether capitalist,
or labourer, or farmer, that his prime effort and motive be to win the
war, for this is the people's war, America's war--the war of all of
us. The Government should see that every man does his full part.
Therefore it should see that the rich man does his full part.
Therefore, not merely in his interest but in the national interest, it
should also see that no frantic extremist, under the plea of forcing
the rich man to do his full part, renders it impossible for him to
do anything at all. So to act would bring lasting damage to the
community, and, whether intentionally or unintentionally, would create
a condition which would bring the war to a standstill.

This is a capital study of the problems which are of vital interest
at this moment to all Americans who love their country, and who wish
while serving their country also to serve all the free nations of
civilized mankind.


_Sagamore Hill_,
_June_ 15, 1918.


This book should be in every man's home; every woman should read it.
It is a pity that it is not in every German's home.

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